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Why People Smoke - Introduction
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Chapter 1
Gérard Dubois
Alliance Contre le
Tabac, France
Manfred Neuberger
Medizinische
Universität Wien, Austria
ENSP
Secretariat
Brussels,
Belgium
Tobacco
industry internal documentation from as far back as 1969 provides many
insights
into the reasons why people smoke. Determining why people smoke is of
considerable interest to the industry as a powerful marketing tool: it
is the
key to targeting different consumer groups and designing the
accompanying
marketing campaigns. Aware that different features appeal differently
to
different people and observing the principle “know your market”, the
industry
has designed and launched marketing campaigns directed at young
people, women,
as well as different ethnic and social groups.
Roughly
speaking, factors influencing the uptake and continuation of smoking
depend
most crucially on various psychological and social factors, and of
course a
complex combination of these factors. These aspects are powerful in
their own
right, quite apart from the nicotine dependence involved in smoking,
whose
strong addictive powers have long since been proven.
Derivation of
pleasure
In the first
draft of the 1969 annual report to the Board of Philip Morris (which,
incidentally,
was rejected as being ‘too technical’), it was recognised that the
primary
motivation for smoking is first and foremost to “obtain the
pharmacological
effect of nicotine” (1). The pharmacological effect of nicotine
produces
somatic sensations characterised by pleasure, a lift or relaxation;
this is a
vague, but pleasant subjective experience for smokers. Nicotine is the
agent of
this pleasurable body response, and cigarettes are the instrument of
nicotine
delivery. Naturally, the whole experience has varying nuances of
sensations,
which complement each other and further complicate these underlying
reasons. On
a physical level, the nicotine dependence quickly kicks in to make the
body
feel a need for these pleasurable sensations after a few smoking
experiences
and, on a psychological level, very simply put, the feeling is akin to
a
‘Pavlov’s dog’-type experience, wanting more and more frequent
pleasurable
experiences as a type of reward throughout the day.
Stress-relief
In addition to
pleasure, the somatic sensations created by smoking produce a feeling
of
relaxation. This seems to indicate that smoking fulfils some need in
persons
who are in need of stress-relief, for whatever reason. It has been
noted that
smoking is more prevalent in persons under stress: it is more
frequently a
habit among more arousable and more anxious persons than it is among
more
tranquil people, and those whose careers entail more pressure are more
frequently smokers. It is a relief from the body’s response to stress,
which
the smoker is seeking in his/her cigarette. These factors had already
been
noted in Philip Morris documentation from an early stage:
Smokers, by and large,
are people who are more psychologically stressed than non-smokers.
There tends
to be more turbulence within the person, and there tends to be more
turbulence
impinging upon the person. (2)
This
psychological need for stress-relief in a smoker may be one element to
explain
why beginning smokers persevere with the habit, given that it is
initially not
a pleasurable experience for them, and force themselves
to overcome initial feelings of disgust. Beginning smokers are aware
that
smoking can provide a relief from the stress in their lives and will
pursue
that stress-relief ignoring the now ubiquitous health warnings: they
perceive
their need for relief to be the greater need, thus outweighing the
possible
health hazards or at least putting such warnings to the back of their
minds.
Certainly,
Philip Morris was aware of the above factors as far back as 1969,
noting the
following:
1. Cigarette smoking
is more often a habit among more responsive, more arousable, more
anxious
people than among the less responsive or more tranquil people.
2. More cigarette
smoking is to be found among people whose life careers expose them
to pressures
and crises.
3. A smoker smokes
more during the more stressful moments of his day or during
stressful periods
of his life. (3)
Psycho-social
factors
However,
clearly the motive for smoking must be more deeply rooted than merely
deriving
pleasure or stress-relief from smoking, as most people’s initial
experience
with smoking is not pleasurable at all: so there must also be a
psycho-social
motive in order to provide motivation to overcome the initial
unpleasant
experiences of smoking. It would be too simple if it were only the
derivation
of pleasure; further important psychological and/or social factors
have to come
into play. The same 1969 Philip Morris annual report quoted above goes
on to
explain:
To account for the
fact that the beginning smoker will tolerate the unpleasantness we
must invoke
a psychosocial motive… Smoking a cigarette for the beginner is a
symbolic act.
The smoker is telling the world, “This is the kind of person I am.”
Surely
there are many variants on the theme, “I am no longer my mother’s
child,” “I am
tough,” “I am an adventuress,” “I’m not a square.” Whatever the
individual
intent, the act of smoking remains a symbolic declaration of
personal identity. (4)
Typically such
a symbolic act of assertion of the individual’s taking control of his
or her
own life and destiny occurs in youth, when the adolescent is going
through
far-reaching physical and psychological changes and feels acutely the
pressure
to imitate his or her own peer group, the desire not to stand out from
the
crowd in any negative way. Conversely, the act of smoking may be of a
more
assertive nature: it may be an act of rebellion against parents and
the older
generation. Such an act of rebellion frequently serves to tell the
world that
the individual is in charge of his or her own destiny, by making
his/her own
choices (i.e. to smoke or not to smoke). These aspects are reflected
in tobacco
industry advertising, which cleverly stress individuality,
self-determination
and liberty on a subtle and subliminal level.
Youth culture
As indicated,
smoking frequently appeals to youth for a variety of reasons. The
tobacco
industry knows that most tobacco consumers take up smoking during
their teens
and try to quit (some successfully, some unsuccessfully) in later
life. If, as
a result of the massive public health drive in recent years, a certain
percentage of its consumers cease to be consumers by successfully
quitting
smoking, the industry must ensure that its customer base at the very
least
remains on a steady level for purely commercial reasons: it makes good
business
sense. Advertising is a powerful tool, particularly when directed at
young
minds, as young people have been found to be much more responsive to
advertising than older consumers.
Tobacco advertising
encourages young people to take up smoking and serves to reinforce the
social
acceptability of the habit among adults and children alike. Industry
advertising has consistently played to and exploited certain aspects
of youth
culture in a very successful way: the young image, fashionable and
trendy
messages, an independent and slightly rebellious nature.
Philip Morris
had identified the importance of the young smokers’ market to its Marlboro brand back in May 1975. In a
document marked ‘Confidential’ Philip Morris states:
It has been well
established by the National Tracking Study and other studies that
Marlboro has
for many years had its highest market penetration among younger
smokers. Most
of these studies have been restricted to people age 18 and over, but
my own
data, which includes younger teenagers, shows even higher Marlboro
market
penetration among 15-17 year-olds. The teenage years are also
important because
those are the years during which most smokers begin to smoke, the
years in which
initial brand selections are made, and the period in the life-cycle
in which
conformity to peer-group norms is greatest. (5)
The industry is
acutely aware that it needs to pander to young persons’ emotional
needs in
order to sell its products. The uptake of smoking is recognised as
being a
rebellious activity, even a risky one. New smokers tend to smoke
well-known and
popular brands, as peer group conformity is a key characteristic of
this group
(6). While conformity is an essential element for new smokers, it has
been
noted that this key element, which was vital in the uptake of smoking,
changes
slightly with the onset of smoking. Smoking preferences therefore
shift. E.
Devlin et al. noted in their 2003 study Tobacco
Marketing and Young People:
Once young smokers
have entered the market and become regular smokers, their emotional
needs
change and there is a desire for brands that are different and allow
them to
express their independence and individuality. (7)
The key
messages which appeal to initiated young smokers are: (1) rights of
passage,
(2) distinctive and different charisma, (3) in-the-know, (4) trendy
lifestyle
and (5) youthful image. They want brands that are designed
specifically for
them and that reflect their needs and lifestyles. The industry has a
clear
understanding of the changing needs of young people and has developed
brand
marketing strategies accordingly. Young people are above all
image-conscious
and are influenced much more by marketing and advertising than older
groups
are.
Quoting industry
documents E. Devlin et al. state by way of conclusion:
These documents
highlight that young people smoke primarily for emotional reasons –
smoking is
an ‘image style statement’ and has the potential to ‘add to
credibility’ and
young people choose those brands that will provide recognition
within their
peer group. (8)
Indeed, these
statements demonstrate that the tobacco industry has undertaken
considerable
research into understanding young people’s life-styles, needs and
values and
what they are looking for in certain brands in order to meet these
needs.
Gender-specific characteristics
The tobacco
multinationals have in fact conducted extensive research into female
smoking
patterns, as opposed to male smoking patterns, and have intentionally
modified
product design to appeal to the female target group. Statistically
speaking,
women are more likely to consume “light”, slimmer and longer
cigarettes. In
fact, women use nicotine more as a means of reducing stress and of
controlling
body weight than men do. It has also been established that the
association
between smoking and depression is more pronounced among women than it
is among
men. Many studies demonstrate that marketing strategies for female
brands have
reinforced the association of smoking with certain attributes such as
liberation, glamour, success and a slim figure.
An internal British American Tobacco document dated
2000 noted that men and women smoke for very different reasons: with
males a
key aspect associated with smoking was ‘satisfaction’ (i.e. the effect
of
nicotine delivery), while women smoked more for ‘sensory pleasure’
(i.e. taste
and enjoyment) (9). Add to this the fact that women tend more to smoke
in
emotionally stressful situations and as a means of relieving ‘nervous
irritation’,
while men tend more to smoke in order to relieve boredom and fatigue
(10). In
1976 British American Tobacco concluded that women were even more
motivated to
smoke, smoked more for reasons of insecurity and exhibited more
neurotic traits
(11). Thus we see some very different motivations for smoking emerging
–
information which is useful for product design and marketing strategy.
Carpenter et
al. note in the introduction to their study that:
…the tobacco industry
has conducted extensive research on female smoking patterns, needs
and product
preferences, and has intentionally modified product design for
promotion of
cigarette smoking among women. Cigarette manufacturers responded to
changing
female trends by focusing on social and health concerns as well as
promoting
dual-sex brands that also featured traditional female style
characteristics. (12)
In a memo
entitled The Female Smoker Market,
Lorillard recognised that it was working women who are the most loyal
smokers,
as opposed to women who are home-makers, which reflects the aspect of
cigarettes as a form of stress-relief:
A cigarette positioned
for the working woman, to relax and steady her nerves when the
tension is
mounting by serving a socially acceptable tranquilizer, deserves
investigation. (13)
The top reasons
for female smoking have been defined by tobacco industry documents as
follows:
(1) weight control, (2) femininity and thinness, (3) peer pressure and
popular
acceptance, (4) neuroticism, (5) health, (6) alternate flavours, (7)
social acceptability,
(8) cosmetics, (9) smoking enjoyment, (10) confidence and (11) sensory
perception (14).
Weight control
The cowboy
image of the Marlboro Reds
advertisements is a quintessentially American male role model: rugged
and
freedom-loving against the backdrop of the ‘Big Country’. But the
industry has
also successfully exploited product marketing specifically targeted at
young
women’s preoccupations with their weight. This in
another
indication of the importance of female smokers to tobacco companies’
economies.
Indeed, whole brands have been targeted entirely at women smokers, and
especially young women, in an attempt to boost smoking uptake.
Philip Morris
launched its brand Virginia Slims in
1968 and marketed it to young, professional women. By using the word
‘slim’ in
the brand name, marketing was suggesting to the twenty-something woman
a slim,
svelte image very firmly embedded in the typically female
preoccupation with
weight control.
Indeed the
significance of the weight control element for continued smoking has
been
acknowledged in industry documents. Lorillard wrote in June 1973 in: The Female Smoker Market:
Several reasons have
been proposed to explain why more women than men are either
unwilling or unable
to stop smoking… One is the greater concern women have that if they
stop
smoking they will gain weight. This fear undoubtedly prevents many
women from
desiring to stop smoking. (15)
In conclusion,
it can only be stressed that the reasons why people smoke are
manifold, complex
and interlinked. There is considerable evidence to suggest that the
tobacco
industry has funded studies to research these reasons to tailor-make
its
marketing to the target groups it knows will respond well to such
marketing, by
exploiting their weaknesses and tastes.
References
1
Philip Morris, 1003287836/7848,
19690000 Scientific Report Why One Smokes
mentions: Arch Inst Pharmacodyn; Harrowgate; Leo, Leo Burnett Agency;
Tobacco
Research Council; University of London, quoted in Tobacco Freedom, Understanding Why People Smoke: http://www.tobaccofreedom.org/issues/smoking/index.html
2
Philip Morris, 1003287836/7848,
19690000 Scientific Report Why One Smokes
mentions: Arch Inst Pharmacodyn; Harrowgate; Leo, Leo Burnett Agency;
Tobacco
Research Council; University of London, quoted in Tobacco Freedom, Understanding Why People Smoke: http://www.tobaccofreedom.org/issues/smoking/index.html
3
Philip Morris, 1003287836/7848,
19690000 Scientific Report Why One Smokes
mentions: Arch Inst Pharmacodyn; Harrowgate; Leo, Leo Burnett Agency;
Tobacco
Research Council; University of London, quoted in Tobacco Freedom, Understanding Why People Smoke: http://www.tobaccofreedom.org/issues/smoking/index.html
4
Philip Morris, 1003287836/7848,
19690000 Scientific Report Why One Smokes
mentions: Arch Inst Pharmacodyn; Harrowgate; Leo, Leo Burnett Agency;
Tobacco
Research Council; University of London, quoted in Tobacco Freedom, Understanding Why People Smoke: http://www.tobaccofreedom.org/issues/smoking/index.html
5
Philip Morris memo, The Decline in the Rate of
Growth of
Marlboro Red, 1975 quoted in Tobacco Freedom, The
Seduction of American Youth: http://www.tobaccofreedom.org/issues/documents/advertising/index.html
6
Devlin, E., Eadie, D., Angus, K. Tobacco
Marketing and Young People,
November 2003. Available at: http://www.tobaccopapers.com/casestudies/Yth-Smoking.pdf
7
Devlin, E., Eadie, D., Angus, K. Tobacco
Marketing and Young People,
November 2003. Available at: http://www.tobaccopapers.com/casestudies/Yth-Smoking.pdf
8
Devlin, E., Eadie, D., Angus, K. Tobacco
Marketing and Young People,
November 2003. Available at: http://www.tobaccopapers.com/casestudies/Yth-Smoking.pdf
9
Barton, H. C. (2000) Marketing
committee British American Tobacco. Bates no.
325051442-1444.
Available at: http://bat.library.ucsf.edu/pageview?a=img&tid=dbk50a99&total=3.
Quoted in: Carpenter, C., Wayne, G., Connolly, G. Designing
cigarettes for women: new findings from the tobacco industry
documents, 2004.
10
Warburton, D. M. (1984) Nicotine
and the Smoker. Bates no.
101000615-101000653.
Available at: http://tobaccodocuments.org/bat_cdc/25806.html.
Quoted in: Carpenter, C., Wayne, G., Connolly, G. Designing
cigarettes for women: new findings from the tobacco industry
documents, 2004.
11
Thornton, R. E. (1976) The
Smoking Behaviour of Women. Brown &
Williamson. Bates no.
650008159-8191. Available at: http://tobaccodocuments.org/product_design/17450.html.
Quoted in: Carpenter, C., Wayne, G., Connolly, G. Designing
cigarettes for women: new findings from the tobacco industry
documents, 2004.
12
Quoted in: Carpenter, C., Wayne, G.,
Connolly, G. Designing cigarettes for
women: new findings from the tobacco industry documents,
2004.
13
Lorillard Memorandum
14
Quoted in: Carpenter, C., Wayne, G.,
Connolly, G. Designing cigarettes for
women: new findings from the tobacco industry documents,
2004.
15
Lorillard Memorandum